November 14, 2009
A symbol, reinvented
The most powerful symbol perhaps for the Filipino as a nation is the yellow ribbon tied to Ninoy Aquino and then to the fight that Tita Cory continued to her deathbed. According to a story published in the Inquirer, it was a friend of the Aquino’s that thought of using the song “Tie a Yellow Ribbon” since it has really been many years since Ninoy has left the country.
Then they started tying yellow ribbons in the trees along the avenues. This same symbol is carried by Noynoy, the Aquino who is running for President. The most contentious of the issues that he faces is the massacre of 12 protesting farmers and 2 children in the Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita over a dispute in a collective bargaining agreement with the United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU).
Knowing that this is going to be a stinging pain in his ass, Noynoy recently announced that they are planning to give up their shares. That doesn’t change a thing. His silence when he was Senator makes questions his ability to render justice for the poor. Not all forgets that blood grows in Hacienda Luisita. That symbol is tainted with bloood.
November 8, 2009
Reproductive Rights Activists Demand Government Response to the CEDAW Committee and Consent to the Visit of CEDAW Experts
October 13, 2009, Manila — When Sylvia Pabustan went to a Manila City health clinic seeking family planning services, she was told that the clinic could not give her family planning supplies because “if someone from Manila City Hall found out, [ the clinic] would be reprimanded.” When Ms. Pabustan, whose name has been changed for confidentiality, went to a private clinic, she was told the same thing.
Another woman, Alia Banyana, whose name has also been changed, reported that when she went to Ospital ng Maynila, she was told that they would not provide tubal ligation because they are “Pro-Life.” Ms. Pabustan and Ms. Banyanas’ stories were only a few of the many collected by EnGendeRights , WomenLEAD, and KAKAMMPI and SAMAKANA-Gabriela during community visits in Manila in 2008 and 2009.
Why are women such as Ms. Pabustan and Ms. Banyana being denied access to basic reproductive health services? According to Attorney Clara Rita Padilla , Executive Director of EnGendeRights , Inc., the blame falls on Mayor Atienza’s EO 003 Series of 2000 (“EO”). The EO promotes the use of natural family planning (NFP) and “discourag[es] the use of artificial methods of contraception, like condoms, pills, intrauterine devices, surgical sterilization.”
The EO has resulted in a ban on modern contraceptives from all the Manila-run public health facilities and a denial of information or referral on the full range of contraceptive methods.
According to Atty. Padilla, this policy of promoting NFP alone has cost many poor women in Manila significantly, “As a consequence, some of them ended up having as many as eight more children than they actually desired. While the national average would only show that women usually have one child more than they desired, the disparity between desired and actual number of children is greater for poor women.”
In addition, according to Atty. Padilla, poor women are further impacted by EO 003 because they “do not have the money to pay for their own contraceptive supplies and counseling from private doctors,” unlike wealthier women in Manila . The practice of denying women access to modern family planning in Manila, in addition to harming women such as Ms. Pabustan and Ms. Banyana, is against international law and the Philippines’ international treaty obligations, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) which was ratified by the Philippines in 1981.
The Philippine-based Task Force CEDAW Inquiry, composed of 20 members from various civil society organizations and led by EnGendeRights , WomenLEAD, the Center for Reproductive Rights and International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia-Pacific (IWRAW-AP) submitted a total of three official requests for inquiry for consideration of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW Committee) to investigate discrimination and other treaty violations resulting from the EO.
Atty. Padilla, co-convenor of the Task Force CEDAW Inquiry, said, “The goal of the Task Force is to draw attention to the grave and systematic violations of reproductive rights of Manila residents. The inquiry is a very important procedure that allows the CEDAW experts the opportunity to visit the Philippines to investigate violations committed against women’s reproductive rights.
This request for inquiry is only the second that has been submitted to the CEDAW Committee. This is historical! The impact of such a visit will not only be in the Philippines but in other countries as well where there are similar violations of women’s rights.”
November 5, 2009
Climate change videos you can use for class
One of the reasons I started this blogsite is to increase access to advocacy materials and information for teachers and colleagues in the field of advocacy. Filipinos are very talented and adept in many issues and we do quickly respond creatively as songs and theater have always been part of the rich Filipino culture.
Climate Change is a topic that I honestly feel too complicated to explain. Ten years ago, the whole discourse was simpler. But with global negotiations and scientific studies emerge, the whole discourse has been an endless exercise of tongue-twsting acronyms and computations of emissions and degrees-fahrenheight (that too, was difficult).
So it makes me happy when I see videos that makes the whole discourse chewable to students and busy individuals who would still want to leasrn about it.
This short video is from Oxfam:
This one’s from World Bank Philippines:
Now, if you need something musical, here’s one for you:
I’ve also blogged about an MTV starring Noel Cabangon and which was produced by Greenpeace.
November 4, 2009
Applications for the Health Policy Fellowship Program- Regional Fellows
HEALTH POLICY DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM
UPecon Foundation, Inc.
A USAID- supported project in partnership with FACE, Inc and UCSF-IGH
The Health Policy Development Program
(HPDP)
The HPDP is a USAID-supported, 5-year initiative implemented by the UPecon Foundation, Inc. It aims to assist the Department of Health (DOH) in its institutional role of shaping the policy environment towards achieving better health outcomes, a more responsive health system, and equitable health care financing.
The HPDP also supports initiatives to strengthen the country’s regional health activities through the conduct of workshops and other activities that enhance efforts towards the achievement of health sector reform goals. The Health Policy Fellowship Program will help complement local health activities through the creation and mobilization a pool of young professionals for work on health policy and related tasks at the level of the regions (Centers for Health Development – CHDs).
.
HEALTH POLICY FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM
HPDP is looking for young professionals interested to pursue a career in health policy work at the regional level through its Health Policy (HP) Fellowship Program.
The HP Fellowship Program provides exciting opportunities in policy work through internship with the DOH-Centers for Health Development (CHD) as well as with other attached agencies. Learning opportunities come from strengthening the capacities of CHDs in assisting LGUs implement health reform through local health investment plans.
As part of the program, HP Fellows will be provided opportunities to:
a. Perform technical staff work along with counterparts based in DOH-
CHDs and partner agencies on a full-time basis;
b. Attend short courses and workshops on health policy and related disciplines;
c. Participate in various policy fora and discussions; and
d. Meet regularly with designated HPDP and DOH/CHD mentors
The HP Fellows are also expected to produce technical reports and coordinate HPDP and DOH activities at the regional level.
Interested applicants must be 35 years old or less and graduates of degree programs in medicine or other health-related courses, public administration, economics and other social sciences, finance, management, communications, information technology, statistics, mathematics and other related disciplines. They must express interest in health policy and systems development work.
Successful applicants will be engaged for a minimum of six months and assigned at respective DOH regional offices (CHDs). HPDP offers a highly competitive compensation package for the fellowship, depending on individual qualifications.
To apply, please submit: (1) letter of application, (2) updated curriculum vitae, and (3) copies of official transcript of records or true copy of grades, to the Chief of Party, HPDP, Room 322, PCED Building, UP School of Economics, Diliman, Quezon City, 1101. Applications should be submitted on or before November 15, 2009 and postmarked no later than said date.
For inquiries, please email Dr. Loyd Brendan P. Norella, HPDP
Program Associate for CSI-Training, at upecon.hpdp@ gmail.com.
Frequently Asked Questions on the HEALTH POLICY FELLOWSHIP PROGRAM
(Aside from those already indicated in the formal announcement)
1.) Is there a deadline for application?
The deadline for applications is on November 15, 2009. However, applications will still be received after this date when the positions remain unfilled.
2.) When is the starting date of the fellowship?
The target date for the start of the fellowships is on December 1, 2009.
3.) Can application materials also be sent through email?
Yes. Please send application materials to upecon.hpdp@ gmail.com. However, applicants who are shortlisted for interview must bring hard copies of their submitted materials to complete the selection process.
4.) Do the applicants have to be from the regions?
Yes. The Health Policy Fellowships Program – Regional Fellows prefers those who come from, is already physically present in and would be staying at the regions where the will be assigned/deployed. This helps ensure that the selected Fellow will be well versed with the local language, is familiar with local health situations and would continue contributing to the region’s health initiatives even after the fellowship. The Fellow, however, have to be ready to travel to Metro Manila or other sites for trainings, workshops or other activities, as requested by HPDP.
5.) Do you accept applicants based in Metro Manila?
Yes. NCR is considered one of the 17 regions in the country.
6.) How much is the compensation?
The compensation is very competitive and is adjusted to the Fellow’s qualifications. Negotiations for the salary will be done after the Fellow has been selected.
7.) Is it a fulltime post?
Yes. It is a fulltime post. Fellows will not be allowed to take on other jobs during the 6-month fellowship. This ensures that the Fellow will devote his/her entire time, attention and dedication to the program.
8.) Can the other academic and related documents be sent in /to follow when they are available?
Yes. However, these (or their equivalent documents) would be required before the Fellow is formally contracted and engaged.
9.) What is the selection process?
All applications received will be sorted according to the regions and will be pre-screened by HPDP. The short listed applicants will be forwarded to the CHDs (Regional DOH Offices) for concurrence. Those who are shortlisted will be interviewed either in the CHDs or in Manila. Expenses for the interview (travel and accommodation) will be shouldered by HPDP.
10.) How will the applicants be informed of the results?
Applicants included in the short list will be informed either by telephone or through email.
November 1, 2009
Message nix in Noynoy MTV
After watching the Noynoy MTV electoral ad, “Hindi ka Nag-iisa”, a feeling of frustration silenced me. Like expecting a hero that never came. Like tasting a suka that was never maasim enough. It is technically superb and is supported by a stellar cast any presidential candidate would have dreamed of but it just didn’t answer questions of character being thrown at Noynoy’s face like a pie.
I don’t have the lyrics of the song but I think a few phrases are already enough to strike my fragile nerves. The words, “ang bayang Pilipinas ay naghihintay”, “hindi ka mag-iisa” “ninoy at cory” – merely reinforces Noynoy’s lameduck and indecisive image instead of creating a myth that this guy is not living under the image of his parents. The MTV appears to be a cheer for Noynoy and not a marching song of Noynoy for the people.
While it’s sweet to baby Noynoy, he should have not run for presidency if he needed more cheering.
I also do not understand the imagery in this ad. With help from sister Kris Aquino, stars like Sharon Cuneta, Marian Rivera, Bea Alonzo, Dingdong Dantes, Ogie Alcasid, Regine Velasquez, and Boy Abunda among others crowded the scene. I know they support Noynoy (or fear the contempt of Kris) but putting them altogether just doesn’t change the usual trapo strategy.
Another problem of imagery: what’s with the sulo? One Noynoy supporter quips, “it looks like a whole nation rising up to slay a manananggal”. Tsk tsk….too stagey, too useless imageries, too bad a song.
Well, great crew!
P.S. I was able to get the lyrics of the song from Edgar Allan Paule’s blogsite.
Hindi Ka Nag-Iisa
Composed by Ogie Alcasid
Performed by Regine VelasquezSasamahan ka namin
Kahit paligid ay madilim
Iilawan ang daan tungo sa magandang kinabukasan
Ika’y mamuno, kami ay susunod
Pagkakaisa’y ating itaguyod
Ang Pilipinas ay naghihintay
Handa kaming kumilos, handang umalalayHindi ka nag-iisa
Sa paggising ng bayan
Kami ay kasama, hindi ka mag-iisa
Isasapuso ang dangal ng ating bayan
Sa tulong at biyaya ng MaykapalMagkakapit bisig tayo
Ituloy natin laban ni Ninoy at Cory
Nang bawat mamamayan
Pagmamahal natin sa bayan
‘Wag na nating itago, ‘di tayo susukoHindi ka nag-iisa
Sa paggising ng bayan
Kami ay kasama,hindi ka mag-iisa
Isasapuso ang dangal ng ating bayanSa tulong at biyaya ng Maykapal
Magkakapit bisig tayo
Sama-sama bawat Pilipino
Mula noon, ngayon at kailan pa man
Hindi ka nag iisa
October 31, 2009
Class issues and climate change
I won’t be repeating a thing that scholar Gill H. Boehringer has fluently expounded in an article published in Bulatlat.com. But what I’ll do is to jot down some mental notes that I have — whether leaning or otherwise – to the opinion of the author though I have to say at the onset that indeed, climate change is an issue worth tackling by any activist, revolutionary or development professional that is hoping for a better world than what we have right now.
In reporting the devastating human effects wrought by “Ondoy”, the Philippine Daily Inquirer, a major media player, clearly displayed its primary ideological role.[2] By seeking to convince its readers that the effects of the storm were “felt equally by rich and poor” and that it was a “great equalizer”[3], the newspaper was attempting to bolster the view that the Filipino class system had nothing to do with the disaster, and that the lives of all Filipinos are shaped by the same forces of nature, even by fate or by God.[4] When it comes to such things as “natural disasters” we all suffer, rich and poor.So blame the weather, not the system.
Such open ideological work in support of the ruling- class- in- general is not always the way of the Inquirer. Thus for many years it has been staunchly attacking one section of the ruling class, the Arroyo bloc which is governing the country. In that vein it has seemed almost radical in pursuing greed, corruption and kick-backs; junketing extravagance; electoral manipulation and cheating; abuse of human rights such as extra-judicial killings and disappearances, torture, intimidation and harassment by state agents; abuse of executive privilege; subverting institutions of the state such as the Ombudsman and the Supreme Court by appointment of “loyalists”; and countless other failings of the GMA regime.
But the reporting of “Ondoy” revealed the Inquirer in its more fundamental mode, as a spokesperson of the ruling-class-in-general, purveying ideologically driven slanted news which provides guidance to its readers, and others it influences indirectly through them. Thus the meaning of the storm, and the terrible effects, was constructed in a particular way. The tragedy was “framed” so that it can be understood in a way that tends to reinforce the class structure.[5] Such framing has an ideological function: to maintain the hegemony of the ruling class-in-general. To do this it must achieve the following: 1) to deflect responsibility for the disaster away from the ruling-class-in-general and the exploitative system from which they benefit (to the detriment of the mass of people); and 2) to use the event as an opportunity to portray that hierarchal and unjust system as a “natural” part of a sometimes cruel world where all must expect to suffer, rich or poor alike, just as we are sometimes told in tough economic times that “we are all in it together” or “everyone has to tighten their belt”.
Though I fully agree that Inquirer failed to put its everyday lens when it covered the past storms, it was a fault that msst mainstream media was guilty of at those times. And not just the media, but the entire social institutions that we have — including schools, church, and cause-oriented organizations. We all failed to put a solid chorus that GMA must step down — if we can not at least expel the entire ruling system– for its inability to make better cities and responsive systems able to save the poorest of the poor in their daily lives so that they can gracefully survive any disaster.
The author continues (and I say, amen)
A critical inquiry into the “Ondoy/Pepeng” tragedy would note the following. The major causes of death and destruction are private capital’s insatiable greed leading to the rape of the natural environment with the complicity of the state. Thus in a country where a few are shockingly wealthy, and governments are used to siphon off fortunes from public monies, there has been a lack of resources expended on flood prevention and proper water diversion and control against flooding. But such governmental inaction and negligence is linked to the inappropriate private use of natural resources, for example mining, logging ( both legal and illegal) have contributed significantly to killer mudslides and flooding.[12] So too have other forms of destruction of the natural environment such as excessive and irresponsible road-building, construction of malls and other structures including “dams for profit”[13] which interfere with natural water courses; and numerous other forms of inappropriate real estate and housing “development”,[14] all for the private accumulation of wealth.
Other causes we would discover are attributable to the ideology t of neo-liberalism which supports developing the private sector at the expense of government, resulting in a state which fails to regulate and control the kinds, place and degree of development. Such is the underlying explanation for continued inadequate emergency planning, policies and procurement in the face of the past record of storms in the Philippines. For example the lack of equipment such as rubber boats. The Inquirer also carried a story that indicated there was inadequate meterological equipment for forecasting and warning.[15]
While it is true that there will always be risk of some loss of life and destruction of property from mega-storms ( it appears that “Ondoy”
brought about double the rain attributed to Katrina at New Orleans[16]) that risk could be greatly minimized as has been done in some other countries which are far poorer than the Philippines and also located in the path of such storms, for example, Cuba. But to do so, and especially to protect the poor- the rich are able to protect themselves- would require the rich to forego some of the fruits of nearly unrestrained exploitation of people and the environment which puts the poor at great risk.
What I was waiting to hear from Boehringer to dismiss the supraclass reporting is the common understanding among scientists and the international humanitarian world post-Hurricane Katrina that there is no such a thing as “natural disasters” . There are natural events but who dies and how are defined by the kind of social and political infrastructures that we have — and hence, when the system is not working for the poor — then what becomes natural are the hazards that was built by the ruling class.










